The head of a district (Ahara), the principal coordinator of the revenue and the officer in charge of general and military functions in his jurisdiction during Mauryan Empire was known as
The head of a district (Ahara), the principal coordinator of the revenue and the officer in charge of general and military functions in his jurisdiction during Mauryan Empire was known as
A
Krori
B
Rajuka
C
Faujdar
D
Charastadar
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B
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In the following items, each passage consists of six sentences. The first sentence (S_(1)) and the final sentence (S_(6)) are given in the beginning. The middle four sentences in each have been removed and jumbled up. These are labelled P, Q, and S. You are required to find out the proper sequence of the four sentences and mark accordingly on the Answer Sheet S_(1) : There was something about the smile of Mr. Acton, when he came over to Sharma's table, which betokened disaster. S_(6) : Specially, since Mr. Acton was not known to smile too much, being a morose, old Sahib, hard-working and conscientious. P : The fact that Mr. Acton should come over to his table at all, fawn upon him and say what he had said was, of course, most flattering. Q : For, very rarely did the head of the firm condescend to move down the corridor, where the Indian staff of Henry King and Co., worked. R : But that smile on Mr. Acton's face ! S : But as the Sahib had only said, "Mr. Sharma, I have brought something for you specially from London, you must come into my office on Monday and take it ....,". Sharma could not surmise the real meaning of the General Manager's remark. The proper sequence should be :
Zimbabwe's prolonged political crisis reached the boiling point earlier this month when President Robert Mugabe dismissed the Vice-President, Emmerson Mnangagwa. A battle to succeed the 93-year-old liberation hero-turned President had already been brewing within the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF), with the old guard backing Mr. Mnangagwa, himself a freedom fighter, and Generation 40', a grouping of younger leaders supporting Mr. Mugabe's 52-year-old wife, Grace. Ms. Mugabe, known for her extravagant lifestyle and interfering ways, has been vocal in recent months about her political ambitions. Mr. Mugabe was seen to have endorsed her when on November 6 he dismissed Mr. Mnangagwa. But Mr. Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since its independence in 1980, erred on two counts: he underestimated the deep connections Mr. Mnangagwa has within the establishment and overestimated his own power in a system he has helped shape. In the good old days, Mr. Mugabe was able to rule with an iron grip. But those days are gone. Age and health problems have weakened his hold on power, while there is a groundswell of anger among the public over economic mismanagement. So when he turned against a man long seen by the establishment as his successor, Mr. Mugabe left little doubt that he was acting from a position of political weakness. This gave the security forces the confidence to turn against him and make it clear they didn't want a Mugabe dynasty. The military doesn't want to call its action a coup d'etat, for obvious reasons. A coup would attract international condemnation, even sanctions. But it is certain that the army chief, Gen. Constantino Chiwenga, is in charge. His plan, as it emerges, is to force Mr. Mugabe to resign and install a transitional government, perhaps under Mr. Mnangagwa, until elections are held. In the paragraph, who has been called liberation hero ?
Zimbabwe's prolonged political crisis reached the boiling point earlier this month when President Robert Mugabe dismissed the Vice-President, Emmerson Mnangagwa. A battle to succeed the 93-year-old liberation hero-turned President had already been brewing within the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF), with the old guard backing Mr. Mnangagwa, himself a freedom fighter, and Generation 40', a grouping of younger leaders supporting Mr. Mugabe's 52-year-old wife, Grace. Ms. Mugabe, known for her extravagant lifestyle and interfering ways, has been vocal in recent months about her political ambitions. Mr. Mugabe was seen to have endorsed her when on November 6 he dismissed Mr. Mnangagwa. But Mr. Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since its independence in 1980, erred on two counts: he underestimated the deep connections Mr. Mnangagwa has within the establishment and overestimated his own power in a system he has helped shape. In the good old days, Mr. Mugabe was able to rule with an iron grip. But those days are gone. Age and health problems have weakened his hold on power, while there is a groundswell of anger among the public over economic mismanagement. So when he turned against a man long seen by the establishment as his successor, Mr. Mugabe left little doubt that he was acting from a position of political weakness. This gave the security forces the confidence to turn against him and make it clear they didn't want a Mugabe dynasty. The military doesn't want to call its action a coup d'etat, for obvious reasons. A coup would attract international condemnation, even sanctions. But it is certain that the army chief, Gen. Constantino Chiwenga, is in charge. His plan, as it emerges, is to force Mr. Mugabe to resign and install a transitional government, perhaps under Mr. Mnangagwa, until elections are held. Mrs. Mugabe is supported by
Read the passage and answer the question. Zimbabwe's prolonged political crisis reached the boiling point earlier this month when President Robert Mugabe dismissed the Vice-President, Emmerson Mnangagwa. A battle to succeed the 93-year-old liberation hero-turned President had already been brewing within the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF), with the old guard backing Mr. Mnangagwa, himself a freedom fighter, and Generation 40', a grouping of younger leaders supporting Mr. Mugabe's 52-year-old wife, Grace. Ms. Mugabe, known for her extravagant lifestyle and interfering ways, has been vocal in recent months about her political ambitions. Mr. Mugabe was seen to have endorsed her when on November 6 he dismissed Mr. Mnangagwa. But Mr. Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since its independence in 1980, erred on two counts: he underestimated the deep connections Mr. Mnangagwa has within the establishment and overestimated his own power in a system he has helped shape. In the good old days, Mr. Mugabe was able to rule with an iron grip. But those days are gone. Age and health problems have weakened his hold on power, while there is a groundswell of anger among the public over economic mismanagement. So when he turned against a man long seen by the establishment as his successor, Mr. Mugabe left little doubt that he was acting from a position of political weakness. This gave the security forces the confidence to turn against him and make it clear they didn't want a Mugabe dynasty. The military doesn't want to call its action a coup d'etat, for obvious reasons. A coup would attract international condemnation, even sanctions. But it is certain that the army chief, Gen. Constantino Chiwenga, is in charge. His plan, as it emerges, is to force Mr. Mugabe to resign and install a transitional government, perhaps under Mr. Mnangagwa, until elections are held. Mr. Mugabe's political weakness became apparent when
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