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Read the passage carefully and choose the best answer to each question out of the four alternatives. Doing an internship at the University of Lille in France, I almost always found myself stuck whenever I had to speak to non-Indians about India or on anything 'Indian'. This was more because of the subtle differences in the way the French understood India in comparison to what I thought was 'Indian'. For instance, when I, or any Indian for that matter, say 'Hindi' is an Indian language, what it means is that it is one of the languages widely spoken in India. This need not be similar to the understanding that the French would have when they hear of 'Hindi' as an Indian language. Because for them Hindi then becomes the only language spoken in India. This is a natural inference that the French, Germans, Italians and many other European nationals would tend to make, because that is generally how it is in their own respective countries. The risk of such inappropriate generalisations made about 'Indian' is not restricted to language alone but also for India's landscape, cuisine, movies, music, climate, economic development and even political ideologies. The magnitude of diversity of one European country can be easily compared to that of one of the Indian State, isn't it? Can they imagine that India is one country whose diversity can be equated to that of the entire European continent? The onus is upon us to go ahead and clarify the nuances in 'Indianness' while we converse. But why should one do so? How does it even matter to clarify? According to the writer the responsibility of explaining the facts about India to Europeans rests with?

It is a common fallacy that history is all about the past, that it is concatenation of ascertained facts in sequence. In reality, the past gets (355) with every shift in the world view of the present. The past is not to blame for the hairy view that the TajMahal is a blot on Indian culture, rather, the politics of the (356)_ who asserts this is. It is not just the present that colours the past. Even the shape of the future that is desired has an (357) on history. You can look at Ashoka and the Buddha and say that India was a land of peace, because you want to inspire the (358) generation to build a future of harmony. Those whose forefathers suffered systematic violence and seek justice in the present might choose a different set of facts to portray a different (359) of history, with different imperatives for reparative action.

It is a common fallacy that history is all about the past, that it is concatenation of ascertained facts in sequence. In reality, the past gets (355) with every shift in the world view of the present. The past is not to blame for the hairy view that the TajMahal is a blot on Indian culture, rather, the politics of the (356)_ who asserts this is. It is not just the present that colours the past. Even the shape of the future that is desired has an (357) on history. You can look at Ashoka and the Buddha and say that India was a land of peace, because you want to inspire the (358) generation to build a future of harmony. Those whose forefathers suffered systematic violence and seek justice in the present might choose a different set of facts to portray a different (359) of history, with different imperatives for reparative action.

It is a common fallacy that history is all about the past, that it is concatenation of ascertained facts in sequence. In reality, the past gets (355) with every shift in the world view of the present. The past is not to blame for the hairy view that the TajMahal is a blot on Indian culture, rather, the politics of the (356)_ who asserts this is. It is not just the present that colours the past. Even the shape of the future that is desired has an (357) on history. You can look at Ashoka and the Buddha and say that India was a land of peace, because you want to inspire the (358) generation to build a future of harmony. Those whose forefathers suffered systematic violence and seek justice in the present might choose a different set of facts to portray a different (359) of history, with different imperatives for reparative action.

It is a common fallacy that history is all about the past, that it is concatenation of ascertained facts in sequence. In reality, the past gets (355) with every shift in the world view of the present. The past is not to blame for the hairy view that the TajMahal is a blot on Indian culture, rather, the politics of the (356)_ who asserts this is. It is not just the present that colours the past. Even the shape of the future that is desired has an (357) on history. You can look at Ashoka and the Buddha and say that India was a land of peace, because you want to inspire the (358) generation to build a future of harmony. Those whose forefathers suffered systematic violence and seek justice in the present might choose a different set of facts to portray a different (359) of history, with different imperatives for reparative action.

It is a common fallacy that history is all about the past, that it is concatenation of ascertained facts in sequence. In reality, the past gets (355) with every shift in the world view of the present. The past is not to blame for the hairy view that the TajMahal is a blot on Indian culture, rather, the politics of the (356)_ who asserts this is. It is not just the present that colours the past. Even the shape of the future that is desired has an (357) on history. You can look at Ashoka and the Buddha and say that India was a land of peace, because you want to inspire the (358) generation to build a future of harmony. Those whose forefathers suffered systematic violence and seek justice in the present might choose a different set of facts to portray a different (359) of history, with different imperatives for reparative action.

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